VI. UNION AND MANAGEMENT
COOPERATION AND APPROACHES TO MULTI-EMPLOYER PLANS
DISCUSSION
BRUCE
NISSEN
Florida
International University
The
papers in this session comprise a very interesting and well-written set
of analyses on the issues surrounding multi-employer plans. Each papers
primary focus ranges from pensions (Ghillarducci), to health care (Sleigh),
to training (Worthen), to government regulation (Grob). All make a contribution
to our understanding. I discuss each of the papers in the order presented.
The
paper by Teresa Ghilarducci, The Economic Logic of Multi-Employer
Pension Plans, does an excellent job of analyzing the economic role
of multi-employer pension systems. It also exposes the inadequacies of
simple neoclassical economic theory, which is unable to perceive, much
less solve, principal agent and collective action problems inherent in
single-employer plans.
This
paper highlights the crucial role of a union or a similar coordinating
agent in making multi-employer plans work. I particularly appreciate the
detailed explanation of the various ways that collective action and principal
agent problems manifest themselves and are solved by multi-employer plans.
Thus, I have little criticism to make of the paper, conceived within its
own parameters. My only suggestion for future work would be to supplement
current analysis with a class-based one. Many of the advantages noted
in multi-employer plans (portability that frees a worker from dependence
on a particular employer, a shift from lower employer contributions toward
higher payouts in the event of overfunding, joint governance of the plan,
etc.) may be positive from a public policy or worker perspective, but
they represent a shift in power away from unilateral employer control
and thus may not be in the class interests of employers even if they do
benefit primarily smaller employers. The papers depiction of such
plans as wholly beneficial to all parties concerned may be overlooking
an overall employer class interest in maintaining single-employer controlled
plans.
The
paper by Heather Grob, Defining Responsibility: Exploring Governments
Role in Regulating Multi-Employer Arrangements, likewise does a
fine job in exploring the issues concerning government oversight of multi-employer
arrangements. While the emphasis is on the regulation of workers
compensation arrangements and the bargaining over them allowed in some
states, the analysis covers governmental regulation of multi-employer
benefit and training plans as well. The clear exposition of economic theories
of regulation is followed by a strongly empirical practitioners
look at the issues involved. Within its own frame of reference, the article
is excellent, and I have no major objections or critiques of its contents.
But
some severe problems are not addressed by the author. At least in mostly
deregulated and largely nonunion markets like the construction industry
in the state of Florida, the main problems articulated by workers and
unions are much more basic than those enumerated in this paper. There
is widespread evasion of most governmental regulation of any kind. Workers
are reclassified as independent contractors (so-called 1099s);
many fly-by-night subcontractors or sub-subcontractors carry no workers
compensation insurance at all; and in extreme cases drywall workers may
work for $25 a day in cash plus boarding (with 45 others) in some
local cheap hotel room. An underfunded state regulatory apparatus cant
even begin to address these problems. So, at least in some states, basic
problems of political will and government funding overshadow the issues
of dispute resolution, transparency, and so on, discussed in this paper.
Stephen
Sleighs paper, Health Care Cost and Quality: Prospects for
Mutual Gains, provides an interesting look at one unions attempt
to use a major employer (and later multiple area employers) to contain
health care costs and to increase health care quality. This is an interesting
story, and the author provides both an historical context (health care
cost inflation) and an explanation of various attempts to define and measure
quality. The bargained approach also illustrates inducements to both union
and management to contain costs and increase quality.
My
quibbles with this paper are largely technical. The chart illustrating
IAM membership satisfaction with their health plan is difficult to interpret
absent some basic facts like the number of workers surveyed and the level
of significance of the changes noted. Further, if the changes were implemented
following a 1995 strike, why are data from the years 1996 and 1997 omitted?
I also wonder about the dynamics bringing together four Wichita area employers
into one alliance. Were there any hesitations or conflicts? Or was cooperation
easy to achieve despite competition in other areas?
The
final paper, Helena Worthens Joint LaborManagement Apprenticeship
Programs: How Multi-Employer Training Programs Work in Chicagos
Construction Industry, provides a very detailed picture of how two
construction industry joint apprenticeship programs operate in the Chicago
area. Her argument is that these apprenticeship programs work
best when they combine training with union organizing. The empirical detail,
the consideration of relevant contextual issues (like previous racial
exclusion), and the formulation of the argument are all well done. The
comparison of a rather restricted Plumbers union apprenticeship program
with a more flexible and strategically used Carpenters apprenticeship
is clear and instructive.
My
suggestions to the author for further research center on the union
community dynamics unearthed in the Carpenters relationship with
community and faith-based organizations. This is a fruitful area for more
investigation, particularly in a union sector like construction, where
relations between unions and minority communities have been quite bad
in the past. Such research would lead into the internal dynamics of building
trades unions that limit their willingness to implement the types of measures
advocated in the paper.
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